主题：【原创】西藏暴乱真相----我和一个美对华研究问题专家的争论 -- 新长城
家乐福事件后，我看到了该教授发表的一些看法，因此去信讨论西藏及火炬事件的是是非非。作为美国最著名的中国问题专家之一，某事件真相的捉刀人，我想有心人很轻易便会知道此人是谁。
写这篇文章的主要目的，是分享一些我的印象，更希望大家一起来发现他提供的“西藏真相”的错误。此“西藏真相”据他所说，是某拉萨普通藏民在blog上所写，因受到严密监控，故而不能透露真实姓名。他翻译并综合。
看完之后，我的感觉就是两个字：荒唐。文中给我的感觉俨然是暴乱分子所写，但从严格的事实查证上，该文很多细节我无从考证，只能指出几个明显的错误，如死难的六个少女并不全是汉族，还有一个藏族。
也许若干年后，他会再写一本拉萨真相。那他此次提供的细节，必将是重要素材之一。在这方面，本着不能让谬误流传的精神，我将和他争论的大概，以及他的文章贴在后面。用知名女侠陈mm的话说，咱钉个钉子，看时间验证到底是谁的错误。
Lhasa Witness, March 2008
By Ahshn
In March, 2008 the weather was cooler than normal in Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, as the anniversary of "March 10" was approaching. On this day in 1959 the Chinese People’s Liberation Army crushed a popular uprising. The Chinese government refers to it as the "Day of Revolt," but Tibetans know it as the “Day of Suffering”--or, for those who had to flee their homeland at the time, the “Day of Exile.”
Other fairly large-scale "disturbances" had happened in Lhasa in 1987 and 1989, but, in the twenty years since then, the city had been stable. Sporadic skirmishes had never amounted to much, and the Chinese government's ideal of a "flourishing and harmonious society" seemed to be taking root. Usually, in early March, the streets, alleys, and monasteries of Lhasa are fairly quiet because many Tibetans go to the countryside for celebrations of the Lunar New Year in February and take their time coming back. But March is also the beginning of the tourist season; visitors from other provinces and countries begin to trickle in.
The city's tranquility in early March of this year could have made one wonder whether "March 10" had been forgotten. Only a few subtle signs on the government's part showed that anybody remembered. On March 7 a special deployment of police was assigned to national highway 318 that runs between Nepal and Lhasa. There is a checkpoint between the frontier pass at Zhangmu and the prefecture Nyingchi, where, under normal conditions, the driver of a car must alight to hand in paperwork to authorities. Beginning March 7, though, the new police detachment did things differently. Now inspectors approached every vehicle as it arrived, and cars that had Tibetan drivers received special attention. Each passenger was scrutinized. The authorities gave no reasons for the stricter measures, but they appear to have been a way of screening Tibetans who might be arriving from Nepal to observe "March 10."
Through most of the day of March 10, Lhasa was as placid as ever. Then, a bit after 4:00 p.m., three hundred monks came marching down from the Drepung Monastery in the nearby hills. They were chanting slogans for freedom of religion and against the migration of Han Chinese to Tibet. Military police blocked them at a checkpoint on the outskirts of the city. A few monks were arrested and driven away. For this, the rest sat down in silent protest. News of these happenings spread quickly, apparently by cell phone, and soon another one hundred monks emerged from Drepung. This group was blocked by military police at the foot of the hills before ever reaching the checkpoint. Police beat both groups of monks with clubs, and by 2:00 a.m. all of them had been forced back to their monastery.
Also on March 10, at the Jokhangl Temple Square at the center of the old city in downtown Lhasa, an enhanced police force went on duty. Plainclothes police--"undercover" but obvious to any Tibetan--were everywhere, as were military vehicles. It is never easy in Lhasa to distinguish among vehicles of the Peoples Armed Police, the Peoples Liberation Army, and Public Security. Some have special license plates; some use regular civilian plates; some have no plates at all, and others cover the ones that they do have. On March 10 I saw at the edge of the Jokhangl Temple Square a minivan packed with uniformed police and riot gear.
Up until about 5:00 p.m. the old city remained tranquil. Shoppers shopped as usual, and evening prayers were proceeding normally. I asked a few Tibetans if they still remembered "March 10" and they said things like "of course, how could we forget?," but they were not planning to do anything in particular about it. Most were heading home to light lamps and say prayers for the spirits of their deceased loved ones.
Then, about 6:00 p.m., a small public protest broke out. About a dozen young monks--twenty, at most--emerged from the Sera Monastery, unfurled a Tibetan flag and shouted demands for a free Tibet. Instantly a swarm of police set upon them, beat them, arrested every one of them, and took them away. Tibetan bystanders watched, apparently immobilized by fear.
The news of this incident, too, spread quickly. Monks at the Jokhangl Temple demanded that the Sera monks be released. When that was denied, the Jokhangl monks began a hunger strike. At 10:00 p.m. downtown Lhasa was eerily quiet. A few policemen remained on guard outside the Jokhangl Temple while a few Tibetans, wearing white head-scarves as a sign of mourning, bowed deeply, in silence, in front of the temple. But most Tibetans stayed at home, their doors and windows shut tight, lighting yak-butter lamps and saying their prayers. I heard one drunken Tibetan shouting “We Tibetans want freedom!” at passersby. Tibetans understood him, but Han Chinese who did not know Tibetan seemed to assume they were hearing only the ravings of an inebriate. In any case, in Lhasa, only drunkards dared to shout such things.
On the afternoon of March 11, the government put the Sera Monastery under emergency lock-down. A group of Tibetans at a driving school next to the monastery witnessed the crackdown and told me what they saw. They said monks had sat down outside the monastery, meditating in protest, when suddenly a large number of police cars surrounded them. Police demanded that they go inside, but they refused. The police then used tear gas and clubs to force them inside. The Tibetans who watched from the driving school were upset at this spectacle, and at one point set out to aid the monks, but were blocked when authorities at the driving school locked the gates of the premises and temporarily prevented anyone from leaving. The cell-phone wireless network in the area was also cut off, and the road that leads to the Sera Monastery was blocked. The Drepung Monastery had already been closed, the day before, but now the road leading to it was blocked as well.
On March 12, a group of nuns from the Chupsang Nunnery in northern Lhasa began a trek toward downtown Lhasa. Police intercepted them, forced them to return, and proceeded to surround the Chupsang Nunnery. A few of the nuns somehow managed to elude police and found their way to the city center. On March 13 they staged a protest demonstration but it, too, was quickly snuffed out.
It was also on March 12 that monks at Sera Monastery began a hunger strike and two monks from the Jokhangl Temple were said to have slit their wrists. All monasteries in Lhasa were then put under lock-down, which meant not only that monks were forbidden from entering or leaving, but that food and water supplies were also suspended. That situation held for several days.
本帖一共被 1 帖 引用 (帖内工具实现)
Around noon on March 14, after monks at the Ramoche Temple in Old Lhasa had finished their morning rituals, several of them suddenly went outside the temple, overturned the police cars that were stationed there, and then, as if nothing had happened, calmly walked back inside and continued to read their scriptures.
The Ramoche Temple is always tightly guarded, but, because of its location near the center of Old Lhasa, most of the guards need to be disguised in civilian clothes. This makes the appearances more seemly, but the monks and other Tibetans are all quite clear who the police are. This was the context in which the first "riot" of March 14 occurred. About 1:00 p.m., Tibetans and monks from a small temple near Ramoche clashed with plainclothes police at the Ramoche gates. A few Tibetans sustained serious head injuries and were carried away by friends. A private residence next door to Ramoche happened at the time to be undergoing renovations. Angry Tibetans took bricks from the renovation site and used them to smash several nearby shops owned by Han Chinese. The trouble soon spread to the Tromsigkhang District, which lies to the south of Ramoche across Beijing Road. Strangely, the uniformed guards who had been stationed in front of Ramoche disappeared at this point, leaving behind only the plainclothes guards, who, when discovered by the incensed crowds, became their targets. The protestors moved slowly eastward along Beijing Road, passing the intersection with Shonu Road, which runs north and south. It is that strip of Shonu Road near Beijing Road that Chinese television later showed, over and over, as evidence of the "grave losses" that rioters had inflicted. The protesters then moved to the Tsomonling district, about a hundred meters beyond Shonu Road, and toward the center of Old Lhasa where the Barkor and Jokhangl Square are located. By 2:00 p.m. clouds of black smoke were rising along the route between the Tromsigkhang District and the Barkor.
The public schools in Lhasa normally observe a noon recess, but that day, because of the disturbances, they all cancelled afternoon sessions and sent their young charges home. The protestors were targeting Han-owned shops, not children, so the youngsters walked home through all the turmoil as if charmed, and remained unscathed.
Roadside shops began to close up, and crowds of Tibetan onlookers began to form. Vehicular traffic, which had been temporarily stopped, began to reappear from the eastern end of Beijing Road. The Tibetan crowds shouted taunts at Han Chinese who passed by on motorcycles, but they spared tourists, and were especially careful not to affront Western tourists. At the intersection of Beijing Road and Shonu Road about ten policemen directed traffic but, strangely, did nothing to intervene in the rioting. At one point when the rioters suddenly turned westward, in the direction of the policemen, they seemed to panic. They scurried from the center of the road and disappeared into alleys, seemingly more fearful than were all the curious onlookers. I heard a tourist ask a policeman for assistance in returning to a hotel at the eastern end of Beijing Road. "We're busy enough just trying to take care of ourselves here,” the policeman said. “How do you think we can care for you?"
The police, including the military police, were trying to control only certain stretches of road. Elsewhere they occasionally tossed a tear-gas grenade into a crowd, but that was about all. The Tibetan rioters rarely sought to confront the police, either. It was almost as if the rioters and the police had agreed to disagree and let each side attend to its own business. I saw a convoy of government cars and police cars turn south from Beijing Road toward Yuthok Road passing right through a knot of rioters. Neither side seemed to pay any attention.
Suddenly, about 200 meters to the west, near the junction of Beijing Road and Nyangdren Road, I could see that a contingent of People's Armed Police had appeared in helmets and shields. Then about fifty meters farther east, at the junction with Karnadong Road, which is also eastern edge of Potala Square, more rows of military police appeared, and large armored vehicles lined the streets. A stream of military vehicles arrived steadily from the west along Beijing Road; when they reached the junction with Karnadong Road they turned south toward Chingdrol Road. All of these vehicles, whether armed or not, were military vehicles. I saw no fire engines or ambulances, even though, at that time in the eastern part of the city, several fires were already burning and a number of Han Chinese had already been injured.
Potala Square is the seat of the Tibetan government, and the stretch of Beijing Road that runs east from it contains several large buildings housing the Bank of China, the Bank of Agriculture, the central post office, and Lhasa’s largest shopping center. It was, in short, the obvious place for troops to protect. Shortly after 3:00 p.m., when the rioting was still confined to the eastern side of Shonu Road, the soldiers at Nyangdren Road were already shooing bystanders westward toward the far side of Potala Square. They were also stopping anyone they could from using cameras or cell phones to take photographs. Around 4:00 p.m. soldiers blocked off Beijing Road eastward from Potala Square. Meanwhile the disturbances had crossed to the west side of Shonu Road. An hour later they had spread to Lingkor Central Road, northward to the area of New Unity Village, and eastward as far as the Karma Kunsang area. These were the areas most affected by the rioting.
One reason why the riots spread as far as they did was that Chinese troops apparently did not dare to carry out major repression while Western tourists were watching. There was very little gunfire anywhere along Beijing Road, where the tourists were most numerous. But some Tibetans were shot to death elsewhere. A witness told me that he had seen military police kill at least four or five Tibetans at Lingkor Road about 5:00 p.m. At the Barkor, police shot and killed a nun whose family then carried her body inside their home; that evening police came to the door, entered forcibly, and removed the body. With the arrival of nightfall, when the tourists were in their hotels and out of sight, gunfire in the city increased.
本帖一共被 1 帖 引用 (帖内工具实现)
The city of Lhasa usually bustles at night, but that night the area of Lhasa west of Potala Square, where I was at the time, was shrouded in a ghostly silence. I took a taxi eastward but could go only as far as De'gyi Lingka Road. From there, as I walked farther eastward, I saw only empty streets and an occasional pedestrian. At the eastern edge of Potala Square, the legion of military police and their vehicles were still blocking the roadways out of the square. Walking farther along Beijing Road, for the next 50 meters or so, I saw heavy damage to stores on the north side of the road, while stores on the south side seem not to have been touched. I heard from passersby that the rioters had crossed west of Shonu Road only briefly and then turned back, apparently to avoid confrontation with the troops stationed at Potala Square. I saw bloodstains on the streets, but, to judge from their size, the bloodshed had not been great.
This was the stretch of road that included the Yichun Clothes Shop where five Han Chinese girls had died in a fire. Their charred remains were shown over and over on television throughout China in the days that followed. The damage to stores at the junction of Shonu Road was also severe, especially to the north of the crossroads, but not so much to the south. The burnt remains of a white car rested on the sidewalk at the intersection. This was also the area that contained the shop of the Han Chinese “Mr. Peng,” whose losses were shown repeatedly on China’s state television. The area to the east of Shonu Road had been hardest it by the rioting on the afternoon of March 14. Now, at shortly before midnight, the streets were empty. Only the intermittent crackle of gunfire broke the silence, as did, occasionally, a chilling scream.
The most incessant gunfire that night was in the Tibetan district of Old Lhasa. Early the next morning, March 15, this district was put under martial law. Ordinary people, whether they had identification documents or not, were not allowed to enter or leave the area, and those inside it were discouraged from going onto the streets. People who left home to buy food were sent back. Cell phones were examined for unauthorized photography. These rules were applied to Hans and Tibetans alike. Black smoke arose from the area from time to time throughout the day, and sporadic gunfire rang out as well.
These conditions remained essentially the same through the next day, March 16. For those two days, March 15 and 16, only the occasional sound of gunfire disturbed the tomblike silence. No one answered the telephone at the police department’s emergency number--or, for that matter, at the number of any government office. On those two days all government resources seemed to be devoted to a dragnet in which the local police and the People’s Armed Police looked for “violent thugs”. On March 16 some Han Chinese whose shops on Shonu Road had been smashed two days earlier wanted to go out to buy some food, but police blocked them, denied permission for their shopping trip, and confiscated a cell phone that one of them was carrying.
The real searching, though, was in the Tibetan neighborhoods. Armed police went door to door looking for suspects in the rioting and for pictures of the Dalai Lama--which were the primary grounds for making one into a suspect. A story spread that in one Tibetan home the police found a photograph of the Dalai Lama and demanded that the owner throw it onto the floor and trample it; when the man refused, police beat his hands until bones broke. Some Tibetan families made the painful decision to burn their photos of the Dalai Lama.
On the afternoon of March 16 there was an announcement that martial law would be lifted the next day. Small buses carrying people with shovels and brooms appeared on the streets of Old Lhasa. These people seemed to have been mobilized from government work units to go clean up the mess on the streets.
On March 17 martial law was officially lifted but Old Lhasa was still guarded by military police. Passersby had to show valid identification and no one could go to work without a work-unit ID. In Tibetan neighborhoods there was no real change from the martial-law regimen: armed police were still stationed at every intersection and patrols roamed even the smallest of alleyways. Tibetan parents were not allowed to accompany their children on the walk to school. Tibetans who appeared in public were subject to search of their persons and of any items that they carried. Necks, in particular, were examined to see if anyone still dared to wear a Dalai Lama pendant. If so it was confiscated. By then, though, most people had figured out not to wear pendants.
On the same day, March 17, a media barrage on television and radio and in the newspapers showed, showed and re-showed scenes of Tibetans beating up Han Chinese. Most of the Hans were plainclothes police whom angry crowds had identified and surrounded. But some of the Han victims were just ordinary citizens. We Tibetans must face this fact. We should acknowledge, too, that Tibetans smashed and set fire to shops owned by Han and Moslem Chinese. We might explain these actions by saying they were irrational outbursts that sprang from many years of frustration. But still it was wrong, and it was painful to watch.
Some of what the Chinese media showed, however, was highly misleading and, I believe, probably fabricated for the purpose of showing to the rest of China. Angry Tibetans did burn and smash Han shops, but they did not, as the media claimed, steal anything. They sometimes removed goods from shops, put them onto the street and set them afire, but they did not take anything home. If any looting by Tibetans had begun, I feel certain that other Tibetans would have stopped it, and indeed would have angrily chastised the offender for corrupting the spirit of the protest. Material loot was not the point of the riots--indeed was quite far from the point. The Chinese media's attempt to present it this way was cynical deception. The media's reference to the Tibetans on the street "violent thugs" was a further deception, because this term, in normal Chinese use, suggests that a person is willing to kill. But none of the filmed footage showed anyone being beaten to death, and, in the minds of the overwhelming majority of Tibetans, to do such a thing would violate the fundamental principles of living as a human being. If a Tibetan had begun to do such a thing, others would certainly have stopped him.
本帖一共被 1 帖 引用 (帖内工具实现)
The Chinese media images of shops and homes devastated by fire raises a number of other troubling questions. How, for example, could the damage have been so extensive? On March 14, when the burning happened, the Tibetan rioters who were moving westward reached the Tsomonling area at just past 1:00 p.m. By 3:00 p.m. they still had not crossed Shonu Road, where police crews were already in place. One block farther west, the Peoples Armed Police were already deployed and at the ready. So how could this area have been one where the damage was most severe? Even if we consider that, it being daylight, the troops did not want to use violence in front of the cameras of tourists, they still could have used tear gas or water hoses to prevent major arson. Another puzzle is why, when houses were set ablaze in the Tromsigkhang area, the homes of both Tibetans and Hans were burned. Why would Tibetans burn the homes of Tibetans? It is not plausible that they could not tell the difference. When shops were set ablaze on Shonu Road, the ones owned by Tibetans were left untouched even if the neighboring shops on both sides, if owned by Hans, were burned. It is at least as easy to recognize a Tibetan home as a Tibetan shop.
One image that was shown repeatedly all across China, and internationally, showed a "Tibetan" wielding a machete. He was wearing clothing characteristic of people from the Amdo region in northeast Tibet, but his face did not look like an Amdo Tibetan face and the big knife that he held was one that no Tibetan would recognize. Moreover the aim of the rioters on March 14 was to smash shops, a task for which a big knife like that would have been a clumsy tool. Using it would likely have resulted in damage to the knife itself. Are we supposed to believe that the purpose of the knife was to hack Han Chinese? I cannot. There is no evidence that the rioters, for all their anger, had that kind of bloodthirsty goal.
What the official media showed about the Han people who died in fires raises yet other questions. The deaths are as shocking as the questions are unsettling. The two places where Hans died in fires were on Shonu Road north of Beijing Road and on Beijing Road to the west of Shonu Road. These were both locations where the police were already in place, and the armed militia was nearby, well before the rioters arrived. Moreover the elapsed time between the point at which it was known that rioting had begun in the city and the point at which the slow-moving rioters arrived at these two locations was about two hours. That was plenty of time to do an evacuation. People on the streets at the two locations--Hans and Tibetans alike--were moving freely during those two hours. How, as the media reports said, could the fire victims have been trapped inside their shops? One of the stores in which people died, the Yichun Clothes Shop, was only about 100 meters away from where the Peoples Armed Police were on duty, and yet there seems to have been no effort to evacuate or rescue anyone. On Yuthok Road as well, where a number of government offices suffered heavy damage, as did about one third of the Han-owned shops, other nearby shops and offices suffered no damage at all. The puzzle is that police, including military police, were stationed throughout the area--both where damage occurred and where it did not occur. In some areas the police deterred rioters; in others they stood by and watched. The Chinese media has repeated endlessly that the disturbances had been "plotted, planned, and organized" by the Dalai Lama. But looking at the streets of Lhasa, it seemed much more likely that someone else had done some planning and organizing.
One of the official news reports claimed that Tibetans had set fire to a school. It is true that a school was burned. But that had happened when flames spread from neighboring shops. I find it impossible to imagine that Tibetans deliberately set fire to a school. Moreover one could see from the news clip that only part of the second floor of the school building showed signs of having been burned. Would someone aiming to burn down a building begin at the second floor? Chinese television interviewed some Tibetan witnesses who condemned "the arson," but only a viewer bilingual in Tibetan and Chinese could know that the Chinese subtitles were a poor match what the Tibetans were saying.
In the days that followed March 18, life in Lhasa seemed to calm down. The government announced that "the people's lives and production have been restored to normal order." But the description was superficial. The tension caused by the military crackdown had not diminished. Troops continued to occupy Tibetan neighborhoods, and the household searches, and arrests of Tibetans, continued as before. The arrests from March 15 to 18 had been done by uniformed police; now they were done, more furtively, by plainclothes police. Once arrested, it seemed to matter little whether a person could show that he or she had had nothing to do with the rioting; a beating followed in either case. I interviewed a Tibetan who had been released from a detention center because he was able to show clear evidence that he had been elsewhere when the rioting occurred. His face was still badly swollen from beatings. But he said that the great majority of Tibetans inside his detention center were determined to stay optimistic. Some young Tibetan women detainees, he said, sang songs all day long in an effort to boost everyone's spirits.
He introduced me to another Tibetan who had entered the detention center in good health but came out unable to walk and mentally disoriented. This man died two days later. People have asked me how many Tibetans were arrested, all together, and how many died in both the night-time shootings and the detention centers. I do know, and I am not optimistic that this number will ever be precisely known.
The police presented inducements to detainees as well as coercion. They offered rewards of 2000 yuan (about $285) for information that led to the arrest of a rioter. A few Tibetans apparently took this offer, but not many. The Public Security Office of the Tibet Autonomous Region also sent a text message to every cell-phone subscriber in Lhasa announcing a reward of 20,000 yuan for anyone who could turn over a person on the government's "most wanted" list. Photographs of people on this list were broadcast on television every night beginning March 19, with exceptions only of a brief suspension when foreign journalists and diplomats were being given guided tours to show that all was well in Lhasa.
本帖一共被 1 帖 引用 (帖内工具实现)
On March 27, when the foreign journalists arrived for their tour, Potala Square, which for days had been bleak and barren, suddenly teemed with Tibetans saying their ritual prayers. The journalists could not have known that government officials had gone to Tibetan neighborhoods the day before with orders that people go say prayers at Potala Square and that they provided "reimbursements" of 200 yuan apiece for those who complied. In normal times the people of Lhasa might have found this charade to be funny, but now the whole thing was laced with the sharp edge of fear.
Another small riot broke out on March 29. It was said that three people were beaten to death, but I cannot confirm that. I can say, though, that I saw all the shops on Beijing Road close up within half an hour. The residents of Lhasa had become much more sensitive and quick to react than they had been on March 14. Other than that, I can say only that extra police were visible on the streets. Very quickly, there was no sign that any riot had taken place; the government's reaction this time was entirely different from what it had been on March 14.
In early April there were still more police than usual patrolling the streets of Lhasa. No one knows when martial law will be entirely removed. Tibetans have long had to carry identifications card when they go out of their homes; now, in addition, they have had to carry temporary residence cards that the government has required them obtain in the wake of "March 14." Tibetans outside of Lhasa cannot visit the city's temples now, and do not know when they will next be allowed to do so.
One of the chants that Tibetans used during the protests between March 10 and 13 was: “We are the spirits of the people you killed 49 years ago! We are not afraid of death! If you kill us again, we will only come back again!” To Tibetans, it is not only the living Buddha who can be reincarnated. Any soul who draws strength from a sacred cause can do this. For them, the sacred cause is freedom.
本帖一共被 1 帖 引用 (帖内工具实现)
我的家乡在四川阿坝州，在我的家乡，主要是藏族，羌族，汉族为主。我就是一个藏族人。如果您对我的身份有怀疑请查询我的身份证号：51322219*****0473。
藏族的某些同胞如果你们看到这篇文章希望您对自己的行为做出检讨
追求自由那是多么的另人向往，追求属于自己的那片天空是多么的美好。可我想不通的是我们既然已经有了自由我们又何必再去追求？现在你们的行为，已经让我们的兄民弟族，我们的政府感到耻辱。你们说的对，你们需要自己的历史，需要自己的信仰来延续我们那崇高的格萨尔王的精神。我在家乡的时候在色达佛学院，从典籍中看到了让我们藏族甚至是我们整个华夏民族都为之骄傲的格萨尔王全传，格萨尔王是英雄，他们让我们过了好日子，但达赖活佛能吗？我下面需要和你们说说我们的英雄和共产党谁做的更好。我不想说达赖，他让我感到耻辱，他也不佩和共产党比。
色若，卓达，顿珠，你们几个都是经常来铁血的，你们几个的言论已经忘记了你的父母给你们的教导——受人之恩，报人之情。还记得耿登阿米（爷爷）给我们说的故事吗？
如果你忘记我可以提醒你一下。
藏族人感恩
阿米说刚刚解放的时候，我们藏族真正的解放了，我们不再受到农奴主的欺压，我们也不再是奴隶不再是他家的长工，政府给了我们牛羊，政府给了我们草场，连官寨也分给了我们。后来解放军修路的队伍来了。给我们修通了那通往拉萨的路，政府真的做到了。阿米说，在修路的时候苦呀！当兵自己炒炸药去炸那飞沙天险，就那天，当兵的为了我们的路死了17个，炸下来的石头把他们埋在了路下，当兵的给我们运盐巴，给我们运茶叶，却不要任何的回报，只说这是政府给我们的。老百姓们背起自家的青稞杆去喂汽车，说汽车辛苦了，给我们运来了这么多东西。后来他们把汽车也留了两辆在我们这里，人家可什么也没要。后来听说路已经修到了拉萨，我们真正的能坐汽车去拉萨了。
后来天旱草场草不好，牛羊没膘水，入冬后又下大雪了，牛羊冻死无数，我们绝望了就在这个时候，政府说成都的车队已经出发了，是给我们送物资来的我们开始不相信，没2天那浩浩荡荡的车队给我们送来了粮食，送来了棉被，送来了一切我们需要的东西。我们的父辈跪在草地上磕头，他们没感谢上天，没感谢达赖，他们是在感谢政府，感谢共产党，感谢毛主席。
我们藏族人感谢国家，感谢人民对我们的支持！
后来有了我们，江主席做了我们的领导人。他给我们做了太多事情。
告叛乱分子
这些我们这代人都是看到了的。
我想问你，色若你家的电灯是谁给你安上的？你家的锅盖（电视卫星接收器）是谁给你安上的？我们寨子的村医院是谁给我们修的？医生是哪里来的？我们寨子修通了公路是谁花的钱？我们的电话线是谁给我们拉来的？我们的弟弟妹妹上学学费是谁给的？有了天灾是谁又在救济我们？那年泥石流，淹了你米儿米儿的房子是谁给他盖的新房子？你有出息了，你留学了，你还记得四川大学的张教授吗？是他资助的你留学，可你在干什么？你对我们这个国家干了什么？你的家人，你的恩人会怎么看你？去年又修通了铁路
其实我们穷吗？你知道的，我们这里其实并不贫穷，只是达赖到现在都还在剥削我们。
他的爪牙在寺庙里坐着，随便封了个活佛摸下百姓的脑袋，我们的乡亲就把买牛得来的钱成捆成捆的给了寺庙。共产党帮我们这么多，我们却连最起码的税收也没交。他们以为我们贫困，把税收都免了。我们把钱给了寺庙后还去向政府要救济粮，政府说了什么吗？只说了一句：我们尊重民族信仰。
你们被镇压了吗？谁杀害了你们？没有任何人这样做了。你们这样将得到全人类的唾弃。
告国际友人！
我知道，你们和我的兄弟是朋友，他们也推荐你们来铁血，以下是写给你们的！
我们在中国，我们的民族享受和其他民族一样的待遇或者比他们享受的更多。你们听说的西藏人被中国虐待，中国政府没人性镇压的暴乱，全西藏人民，及全藏族人都开始暴乱并要求独立。中国政府并没有建设和发展西藏都是假的，我给你们说说我的家乡发生了什么。不要再相信他们了！我说的话可能比他们更可信。
中国政府在改革开放以来一直建设西藏以下是国家对西藏问题落到实处的
1.西藏是最早取消赋税的地区之一
2.西藏人根本没所谓的不自由，我们被国家规划为自治区，我们藏族人自己治理自己的西藏，并享受国家给我们的帮助，中国政府一直倡导和谐，中国政府用国库资金补助大学生来支持并建设西藏，发展西藏的教育事业，发展西藏的轻工业等等。
3.中国政府为了建设西藏修建了世界海拔最高的青藏铁路，以拉动西藏的经济发展，中国政府在任何天灾都是用自己所有的力量来帮助西藏人民。
4.中国的其他民族并没有看不起藏族人民，他们把我们当作兄弟，我们在社会上享受中国公民一样的待遇，并没有所谓的歧视。
5.藏族人民从心里感谢共产党，感谢国家。并没有所谓的藏族人民都起义要求独立一说，我家乡70%均为藏族人，可只出了以上几个有政治野心的人，比例为 4000/1，这些人在我们的家乡被成为流氓。你们都是文明的人，崇尚自由的人，我想你们不会去帮助一个连自己民族都唾弃的流氓，希望你们不要被蒙蔽了。
6.藏人并不贫困，藏人的人均收入高于中国大多数地区，在我的家乡平均每家有40头牛100只羊，每年买牛羊及牛毛，羊毛，药材等收入超过10万人民币。人均2万左右，只是家乡的人民崇尚宗教文化，并被达赖分子利用百姓的宗教信仰以半强迫的发方式将其搜刮作为叛乱经费。中国政府却尊重民族信仰，并一直帮助藏族人。
7.藏族人在这次暴乱中没有被镇压，叛乱份子只是被武警，警察等以国际惯例将其收监，对袭警的叛乱份子，实行强制抓捕，我想在贵国也是这样吧，警察执行公务被打，我想也会强制执行吧？然而我们的人民警察却一忍再忍，直到被打死也没有对他们开枪，导致包括藏族人在内的中国人民，强烈要求政府以强制镇压这件事情。可政府到现在还对他们实行说服政策。
我相信我的兄弟不会否认以上几点，请让他们解释以上的事情。
告达赖
达赖你做了什么？你把我们的买牛羊的钱拿走了，你现在在抢夺我们的幸福。
今年暴乱了！你达赖说，我们需要自由，我们藏族人需要自由，所以我们需要独立。
达赖我也就直呼你的名讳了，我相信你能看到，你的爪牙会让你知道我说了什么！我们先不说共产党到底对还是不对。我给你分析西藏独立后的后果。
1.首先，西藏独立后，西藏将面临经济上的灾难。
你也知道，西藏民众的主要经济来源是依靠，牛羊，药材，畜牧副产品。如果一旦独立，祖国将成为敌对国，断绝一切的经济来往，我们西藏和周边地区人口一共也就300W人，那么我们该依靠什么作为经济来源？我们的牛羊将不再可能买到成都，买到兰州。难道我们依靠印度？印度人本身就是个农业大国，依靠中国现在的实力是可以逼迫他和西藏断绝一切的来往（包括经济的军事）那西藏就是下一个蒙古，被两个大国围在里面，没出海口你就不要想得到你干爹美国的直接经济和军事帮助。这样西藏的主要收入将破灭，百姓将再次沦落为农奴（你倒是不关心百姓，你无所谓，你只关心你自己）
2.军事
西藏没重工业，不可能自己建造军工产品。没经济收入你拿什么去换取武器？美国也许会给你一些武器，但那只是杯水车薪，在解放军的坦克，飞机之下，你的爪牙难道靠一把步枪抗衡？没自己的军队你拿什么来独立？印度会帮你吗》你上次去印度，印度总理给你说的什么？他不支持你这个流亡政府，印度不愿意和中国为敌，那么你将何去何从？和西藏只有一墙之隔的巴基斯坦是中国的盟友，你想都不要想和他拉关系，其他几个国家全部是俄罗斯的盟国，你觉得俄罗斯会放弃中国和你站在一边吗？你在痴心妄想！
3.民众基础
你不要太看高自己的地位，你以为全藏族人都在你的领导之下？你错了，藏族人也是人，我们知道谁对我们好，谁在剥削我们。你会认为我们会和你站在一起？你这次的暴乱就充分说明了问题，整个拉萨不足千人，全藏区不足万人，我给你凑个整数，就算1万人，那也是300/1的人在你的领导之下，你再把你给那些人的几百块一天取消了，那我想最多剩余1000人那就是3000/1和你站在一起，根本不需要军队，我们藏族人一人一口唾沫都可以把你的爪牙全部淹死，你没人民基础还好意思说你是下个毛泽东，你这是在侮辱毛泽东。你以为百姓现在还有人在寺庙中给你钱，你就以为全藏族人都支持你？在信仰你？错了，那只是老一辈人在这样做，下次你封的活佛在骗钱的时候看看，有多少 年轻人在给你钱，可以说基本已经快绝迹了。
4.信仰
现在你的势力越来越弱，你自己没察觉到吗？还有多少年轻人在你相信你？还有多少人在信任你？你的所做所为我们都把他看成是在表演杂耍，你在当藏族人的猴子吗？我的活佛！你在世界上表演，人家给了你几块钱？你丢了我们 的人呀！你一丢人，我们还怎么信任你？我们不可能信任一个猴子，你知道吗？
告我的兄弟
色若，卓达，顿珠.....我告诉你们，你们的行为已经触犯了中国的法律，触犯了中国人的道德底线，上次政府已经原谅了你们。可我们不会原谅你，你要还那样，我在成都等你，不用其他人动手，我会弄死你的，你的父母给了我电话，说你们现在已经半年多没有和家里联系了，他们担心你们，我没告诉他们你们已经成了达赖的走狗，我怕你的父母会杀了你。也许你们也能成为中国的栋梁，但你这样做，你会死的，你的兄弟不是懦弱的人，我理智，我能看清楚谁才真正配领导我们藏族人走向富强，让我华夏民族屹立在世界之巅。
你们已经换了电话，我没法联系你们，知道你们经常来铁血，希望你们看到后，去自首不要再为非作歹了。不要再那样了，家乡的乡亲不会原谅你们的，你们的父母也不会，你的好友也不会。你们已经把我们藏族人的脸丢光了，现在我在任何地方一看到，藏族人XXX，藏族人暴乱，等我就想哭，我想辩解，我们藏族人可也是华夏的民族，可谁愿意听我辩解？我唯一能做的就是给我所有的朋友说，我们藏族人不是你们想像的那样的人，我们不是叛乱分子，
兄弟，不要那样做了好吗？
龙泣留
本帖一共被 1 帖 引用 (帖内工具实现)
家乐福事件
他认为，新一代的民族主义者过于冲动，听信一些谣言便要抵制一家法国超市，这是很不理性的。
我的回答是，抵制家乐福只是一个信号，我们只是借此让世界知道我们的想法。我们生气的不是家乐福，而是那些污蔑抹黑中国的政客和传媒。
藏人是二等公民吗？
他很恳切的说，他发自内心的认为，中国的少数民族，尤其是藏维等族，的确是二等公民的位置。抹黑中国的不是外国人，是中国那些心胸狭窄，不能正确对待自己国民的民族主义者。他说，他是有大量论据作为支撑的，而且并不是很高兴的谈论这点。此外，韩国的愤青打人事件只能让中国丢脸。
我回答说，我无意说服你，讨论一个民族是否被定义为“二等公民”是非常困难的，我只想说一件事，中国的少数民族，包括藏族，享有更多的优待。那么多汉人将身份转为少数民族，多数混合家庭也将下一代选为少数民族。我这么说，是因为我有很多这样的朋友，而且，您可以参考官方的人口数据。汉人的比例一直在下降。作为一个汉人，我理解这个政策，少数民族需要更多的帮助。但如果您觉得他们是二等公民，那为什么人民更喜欢做二等公民而不是一等公民呢？
藏人生活中也许面临一些歧视，这很有可能，但政策对他们绝对是正面的。只有宗教自由可以拿出来说，但谁让这些和尚参与政治了呢？韩国的留学生也许太激进，但他们也是被挑衅了，而且这并不能代表此次示威和平的主流。中国人需要聆听更多的声音，需要知道如何更好的保护自己，但西方人也必须懂得尊重中国人的看法和利益。
教授说他知道中国的政策对少数民族有优惠，他说的是藏人和维吾尔的感受。问我你有藏人，维吾尔人朋友吗？你去过拉萨吗？你有没有尝试过穿越长城感受汉人和少数民族的差别？
我告诉他，绝大多数少数民族都感到满意，部分藏人和维吾尔人的确有些不满。语言和信仰是两个主要的问题所在。但是您说他们感觉是二等公民，我不知道他们怎么想，但最起码这是有争议的。他们享受入学，生育。税收等多方面优惠，比那些马来西亚，印度尼西亚的华人，法国的阿拉伯人，德国的土耳其人强多了。 如果有人有客观的学术著作，讲解他们如何遭受不公，那我们这些民族主义风潮便会烟消云散。
然后，他给了我这些文章。先写到这儿，累了。
本帖一共被 1 帖 引用 (帖内工具实现)
因为基本上就是唯色博客上某藏人“目击者”报道一字一句的翻译，好像这教授没有自己动过脑筋一样。其实你一比较一下汉族目击者和海外游客的报道就知道，这个所谓的“目击者”要不绝对不在第一现场，因为很多非常关键的细节他都都没提到，要不就是刻意栽赃。
其实网上也有不少汉族目击者报道。你有意的话可以收集一些。
但是无论如何，也不能让这种文章谬种流传。谎言重复一千遍就是真理，何况是以学术的名义？我们必须要和这个作斗争。
他引用的博客是唯色的，王力雄的老婆。
他的胡说八道把柄是很多的，
比如肆意贬低歪曲国内的建设，可以搜一下其文章。
只要找出其诚信问题，那个教授就很好被打倒。
明显拿不到cia的资助，只好自娱自乐了。
在美国混的好的一定历史学者一定有很多资助写像样的东西的。